The Twelve Evidentiary Fields Of Chicanery That Could End Our Faith In Democracy.
This election doesn’t pass the smell test. I participated in an eight-hour podcast from 8 p.m. to 4 a.m. on Election Night and noted a number of anomalies at the time, none of which makes any sense in retrospect unless you entertain the possibility of massive chicanery.
This essay is only in the nature of exploratory questioning, because I’m sure many more oddities will come to light in the coming days, so I’ll focus mostly on the strange contradictions that occurred to me on Election Night, even if they didn’t fully register then, and why the official media narrative doesn’t pass muster.
That evening I was convinced Trump had won easily, as were so many other observers, overperforming in such a way that a Biden victory in the late stages seemed inconceivable. But then in the early morning hours, we had the surprising new narrative of a miraculous Biden comeback to contend with.
1) Discussion of exit polls has disappeared from the media. Exit polls should roughly match final results, but when they don’t they’re usually sidelined from scrutiny after the early going. We heard that voters around the country mostly dismissed the virus narrative and chose the economy as the primary concern, on which Trump scored much better than Biden—but we are asked to believe they went for Biden anyway? Down-ballot results suggest a massive repudiation of liberal messaging, as the electorate failed to be swayed by the hysterical propaganda, yet the result at the top appears at odds with this clear refusal.
2) In the early states that reported, particularly Florida, Trump made big gains among Latinos, African Americans, and Asians. Some of these gains would appear to have been of an historic nature. This should have translated to other states, and ruled out Arizona, Nevada, and Texas for Biden. But while this did happen in Texas, apparently Latinos in Arizona and Nevada went their own way. If African Americans, particularly males, were so resistant to Biden in the early states that were reported, how could they approve of him in such overwhelming numbers in the decisive cities of Detroit, Philadelphia, Milwaukee, and Atlanta?
3) In every election, early patterns suggest trends to follow, as one should be able to extrapolate from baseline results to overarching conclusions. Behavior that occurs in one landscape should replicate in similar landscapes when similar parties are involved. But none of this seems to have happened on election night, at least after a certain point when the “pivot” occurred. As my podcast host Keaton Weiss noted throughout the night, he wasn’t seeing any overall trend, just state-by-state results, as though each state were voting in an independent election and following its own peculiar logic. National elections typically don’t unfold that way.
4) The benign interpretation of the Biden comeback would be the “Red Mirage” effect we have been warned about so extensively. We are asked to “be patient as all the votes are counted,” and as we get used to accepting elections that are not concluded on the same day but last indefinitely. So we must believe that the urban vote in Philadelphia, Atlanta, Detroit, Milwaukee, and Phoenix would be so overwhelmingly in Biden’s favor that it would swamp Trump’s stupendous early leads in each of the last seven disputed states. But all night long, as my host kept crunching the numbers from Biden-leaning counties, it didn’t seem credible that the compensation in Democratic counties would be able to overcome the already announced results.
5. The New York Times needle showed North Carolina leaning toward Trump at 95 percent most of the night, and likewise Georgia at around 87 percent, until the latter started tilting back toward Biden very late. The needle is supposed to be an accurate reflection of all the available data, yet North Carolina was not called despite most of the vote having come in.
6) Apart from a handful of outlets such as this one, there has been little acknowledgment of the unprecedented yearlong polling discrepancy, which dwarfs the “error” of 2016 by a large magnitude. This was clear to anyone following the election on the ground, comparing the vast size of Trump’s rallies versus Biden’s anemic turnouts, or the wild enthusiasm among Trump voters versus the limited allure of Biden among the technocratic liberal class. These ridiculous pre-election polls were meant to rationalize Biden’s win, providing room for any kind of maneuver that would help procure the desired result in the end.
7) For months we seem to have been subjected to unrelenting psychological warfare warning us that there would be an illusory “Red Mirage,” that Trump would try to steal the election and that he would turn out his crazy followers on the streets in a display of fascistic violence if the results didn’t go his way. This single-minded focus on one side actually seems to have been paving the way for precisely such actions on the other side—minus, of course, the street action, because it doesn’t seem to have been necessary.
8) The DNC openly stole the primaries from Bernie Sanders, starting with stopping the vote count in Iowa (courtesy of Pete Buttigieg’s friends in intelligence, the same Pete “the cheat” who has been all over the media justifying the delayed vote-counting), to orchestrating phantom primaries in Wisconsin, Michigan, and Arizona (three of the same states that have been at the center of the general election outcome).
Inexplicable exit poll anomalies occurred on Super Tuesday, accompanied by insane Biden turnout in states from Virginia to Minnesota, exceeding even the enthusiasm of African Americans for Barack Obama. I documented all this minutely in an early April essay, and openly wondered at the time if it was a dry run for what was to come in the general election and whether Sanders’ greatest disservice to the nation, out of all the fictions and manipulations he has embodied, was to justify an illegitimate Democratic primary in order to normalize all of its disturbing elements for the general election.
9) One of the most egregious anomalies in the Democratic primary was Maricopa County, where despite most polling stations being closed, and very thin turnout being reported during the day, by the end of the day such thin numbers were predictably reported as having turned into record turnout. Michigan was the state where Bernie made his last stand, but lost surprisingly poorly, after which he quit except in name only. Wisconsin held a phantom primary during the pandemic, without any GOTV effort on Sanders’s part, again a pattern replicated in the general election when Biden essentially stopped campaigning for the year except very sporadically in the last few weeks.
10) When Trump won Ohio by a huge margin (8 percent), the three of us on the podcast felt that it bode very poorly for Biden in Pennsylvania and the rest of the industrial Midwest. Indeed, in any rational election, this should have held true. Yet the final results are completely at odds with the early direction.
11) Likewise, we felt that with Trump increasing his margin in Florida from 2016, and doing so well among Latinos and African Americans, Georgia and North Carolina should be out of reach for Biden. But in this election apparently there are no bellwether states, just state by state independent results.
12) The Democrats suffered substantial losses in the House, and apparently failed to win the Senate, which we were assured by the pollsters they had all but sealed. In an election with such an expanded viable map for Biden (with Georgia, North Carolina, and Arizona in play), how is it possible that at the same time the Democrats would do so abysmally in the House and Senate races despite spending enormous sums of money? Indeed, as in Senator Lindsey Graham’s (R-S.C.) case, the margin of difference for some of the most ballyhooed races is mind-boggling. But, again, it didn’t translate to the national race, as it should have done.
Trump’s reelection would have posed an existential threat to the liberal elites, and their entire institutional cover-up, from which it would have been very difficult to recover. Their propaganda empire did its best to hold the fort from 2015 until the 2020 election, but to overcome a second, and even more ringing, validation of Trump’s oppositional ideology at the polls would have been too much even for this shameless deep state. There would have been a revolution on the Left (a real one, not led by a feckless Sanders) to correspond with the populism on the Right.
The liberal elites don’t want populism of any kind—Left or Right—so both had to be crushed in equal measure, and by almost parallel nefarious means, one in the Democratic primary, the other in the general election.
Perhaps most worrisome of all is that a reign of blatant censorship has been in effect in the liberal media since March, as Big Tech appropriates more and more of the burdens of open propagation of deep state aims. The way in which Trump’s tweets since the election have been censored is a very bad sign indeed, and soon we can expect any questioning of election results to be entirely banned in the name of protecting readers from disinformation.
I hope Trump doesn’t concede as long as he is in office, and uses his remaining time to expose the potential for fraud in great detail, putting it all on record while he has the chance to do so. He should pursue every constitutional and legal means to dispute these funny results and take it all the way to Congress.
It likely won’t be long before Twitter and social media, and the media in general, ban him and anyone showing any signs of the illness known as “Trumpism” from an open platform, all in the name of protecting the public from misinformation.
The past four years represent a rolling coup d’etat against Trump’s truth-telling politics, starting from criminal investigations based on fantasy to the final insult of an election at odds with public opinion sneering at official propaganda. As with the rest of his presidency, we have seen two elections take place, one unfolding in real-time, the other playing out on the media’s timescale.
The role of a visionary leader is to expose precisely such fissures between reality and fantasy, which Trump has attempted with gusto at every turn. I found no moment of his presidency as touching as Thursday’s White House briefing when he lashed out at the establishment where it hurts the most, questioning the sacred mythology of American democratic machinery. Trump is guilty of committing the unpardonable crime of reviving politics, removing it from the bipartisan rhetoric that normalizes consensual inhumanity. For this deplorable trespass, the election needed to be overturned and banished to the fog of silence.